1820 Insurrection.

 

 

         This month marks the 200 year anniversary of what is known, in Glasgow and other parts of Scotland, as the "1820 Insurrection".  Along with the brutal repression with which the powers that be heaped on the poor, the state's habits have changed little. Back then government spies were sent to mingle and mix with the radicals and to set up situations to encourage and provoke action against the state, so that the organisers among the radicals could be exposed and treated to the state's brutal so called state "justice". Nothing has changed as  far as the state is concerned, the same methods are still being used, "undercover" police in legitimate protest groups etc.. The only real change is that the state is now much better equipped and has a much more sophisticated range of tools to spy on its population. It will still treat with vicious brutality those who would dare to challenge its authority and demand real change. The state will always be the enemy of freedom and justice for the ordinary people.

       The following is a short extract from "The 1820 Insurrection" on Strugglepedia:

       The late 1700s through to the 1800s saw brutal repression of the reform groups. Execution and transportation being the norm for dissent. Bad harvests, chronic unemployment and soaring food prices caused destitution throughout the working class. Riots took place and ever severer punishments imposed. The Glasgow Advertiser, reports that six baker boys of good character were transported without charge, trial or conviction, for making a disturbance. In Glasgow on the 15th February 1800, hungry and angry crowds attacked meatsellers and grocers shops in Argyle Street, Townhead and Calton in an attempt to feed themselves. As usual the troops were sent in to disperse the crowds.
        A short lived lull during the war against Napoleon soon ended with the Corn Law Act of 1815, plus a fresh wave of unemployment once again increasing the destitution. Once more demands for reform grew in strength. There were more riots in Glasgow, Dundee and Perth, jails filled to overflowing. In 1817 the Rev. Neil Douglas was indicted for preaching in an Anderston church against the Libertine Regent. Due to incompetence of the government spies the case collapsed. During 1819 and 1820 Glasgow was expanding taking in districts such as Bridgeton, Calton and Anderston. The population was around 147,000, most of the work was in mills and factories. The normal working day started at 5.30am, and it was a 14 hour day. Child labour was common, children as young as 6 years of age would be employed as machine operators, the wage would be a shilling a week. There was wide spread unemployment with abject poverty. Women and children sleeping rough was not an unusual sight.
United Scotsman Societies
          Those working for reform were not intimidated and grew in strength and numbers. In spite of Government repression thousands of pamphlets appeared, one such pamphlet by Margarot reached 100,000 copies. There were meetings both secret and open. With the enforcement of the Militia (Conscription) Act, secret and revolutionary United Scotsman Societies, sprang up. The workers seeing the Army as the instrument of oppression used by the Authorities against the people. The Societies spread rapidly. When ever a Branch reached 16 members another was formed. Their National Convention met every 7 weeks, usually in Glasgow. On the Glasgow Green workers went through military drill for the day of the Revolution.
         One Sunday morning in 1820 a document appeared on walls all over Glasgow. It stated 'Friends and Countrymen! Rouse from that state in which we have sunk for so many years, we are at length compelled from the extremity of our sufferings, and the contempt heaped upon our petitions for redress, to assert our rights at the hazard of our lives.' There was also a call to arms signed, 'By order of the Committee of Organization for forming a Provisional Government. Glasgow April 1st. 1820.' A footnote read; 'Britons - God - Justice - the wish of all good men, are with us. Join together and make it one good cause, and the nations of the earth shall hail the day when the Standard of Liberty shall be raised on its native soil.' Government agents spread stories that the workers in England were already armed, and that Kinloch of Kinloch was on his way from France with 50,000 troops: 5,000 of which would be camped on the Cathkin Braes and would seize the city's banks and other institutional centres. They would also arrest any reactionaries. Of course this was a deliberate attempt to get the Reformers to act knowing the weakness of the Reformers arms and the superior forces at the authorities' disposal, allowing them to destroy the Reform movement and execute its main activists.------

Read the full article HERE: 

 

 The Radical War Memorial on Bank Street, Greenock

Visit ann arky's home at https://radicalglasgow.me.uk

Jimmy Josse.

 

      For years I have been haunted by a name, Jimmy Josse. I came across his name frequently when doing a wee bit of research at the Mitchell and was crawling through the Guy Aldred papers. Jimmy's name kept cropping up at meetings of Glasgow anarchists, he would propose this and second that. So I got to wondering who was this guy, Jimmy Josse, but drew a blank in any research that I pursued.

 A young Guy Aldred.

     Some years ago I mentioned it to my mate Joe, who died recently, and to my surprise, he said he knew him. Joe said that he was a self employed painter and decorator, and Joe was his helper for a few years. He said he was an anarchist was involved around the time of Guy Aldred, had a wee van, and was always getting stopped by the police. Joe said that he was quite gallous with the police, when they stopped him, he would throw his arms in the air and come out with some remark or other, such as, "OK you've got me this time, I thought I was getting away with the crown jewels, but you got me." Of course they never found anything except paint brushes, paint, white sheets, rags and ladders. Joe also mentioned that he loved to go for lunch at cafes around Glasgow University so that he could get into arguments with students.

     The only other info I have is that he was married to a woman called Jean, she died and it seems Jimmy was really depressed for quite a while, but later entered another relationship and the lived in West Graham Street. Apparently it didn't work out and he left and went to stay in a flat at St. Georges Cross, and lived there until he died. I believe he had a daughter and one of his mates was a guy called Willie Kenny.

     Why am I writing this. well I believe since he was an anarchist and activist, there is a story in his life and it is one I would love to record with some detail and put it on record in strugglepedia. So if any of you out there, have any snippet of info on this guy, I would be extremely grateful if you could pass it on to me. I have made this appeal before to no avail, but who knows, maybe this time I'll strike it luck and Jimmy's story can be entered into the history of Glasgow Anarchists, where I'm sure it belongs. 

Visit ann arky's home at https://radicalglasgow.me.uk

Free Pack.

      To all those who took up our offer of our free anarchist packs, I hope you have enjoyed them and perhaps learnt something as well as feeling more inclined to get more involved in that fight for the better world for all.

     The offer was a success, but there are still a few left and we would love to see them get into a nice home where they will be appreciated, rather than sitting on a shelf at our place. So why not take up our offer and send us an email to get your free info pack, postage free. 

     Here is a repeat of the bumph just to remind you of the details:

         Some comrades and my self in conjunction with Spirit of Revolt have put together a handy pack for those interested in anarchism/libertarian socialism. This is a real education, it contains events from Glasgow's radical past, including a short explanation of May Day and what it stands for, issues of the reborn Glasgow Keelie free newspaper, lots of links to further information and much more info. These packs are a wealth of interesting information and free to those interested, but confined to UK only, and will be posted out post free, but they are limited in number.
     If you are interested, please drop your details in an email to annarky at annarky(at)radicalglasgow(dot)me(dot)uk and we will get your pack to you as soon as possible. Also information on Class War Facebook page.

       As there was quite a fair bit of interests on my recent post on Glasgow's radical history pack, I thought I would put up this little piece of my work on Glasgow's radical history. Hoping that it might help feed your appetite in that subject matter. Enjoy.

      Just click on the link below and learn and enjoy. 

  https://radicalglasgow.me.uk/?page_id=33

 

       To further enhance your knowledge of Glasgow's radical history you could visit my Strugglepedia, where I have amassed an array of radical characters and events that helped shape our city of Glasgow. Again, click, learn and enjoy.

http://strugglepedia.co.uk/index.php?title=Main_Page

        So go for the last few packs we have, and treat yourself to some very interesting info.

Visit ann arky's home at https://radicalglasgow.me.uk

Glasgow Women.

      International Women's Day, March 8th. Glasgow women can stand tall with a proud history of women who stood up and took their place in the struggle for that better world. 

    During the jingoism and the establishment's rampant patriotism pushing for everybody to get behind the imperialist war of 1914-1918, women in Glasgow took to the streets and faced the wrath of the media and large sections of the public in their drive for peace. This from Strugglepedia:  "--in June 1916 organised a peace conference in the city which gave birth to The Women’s Peace Crusade which became a dominant force in the anti-war movement. There is some variation on the actual date but June 10th 1916 is generally accepted as the birth of the Women’s Peace Crusade. A year later, June 1917 saw the Women’s Peace Crusade go national with the launch of the National Women’s Peace Crusade---"

     Collectively and individually, women of Glasgow have always played their part in the city's struggles, there is a catalogue of names some well known and others less known, but all played an important part in the fight for a better world for all. 

    To name  few from the past, in no particular order, and hope that their names and deeds will always be remembered and honoured by us all. 

Helen Crawfurd, Jane Hamilton Patrick, Mary Barbour, Ethel MacDonald, Helen Brown Scott Lennox, Rita Milton, Of course there are more, many more, and some we will never see in the history books, but who are just as important as all the others. What is more important is that there are as many or perhaps more women now standing up and taking on the battles of the day, let's make sure we note their actions and remember their names. We can learn from the past. A good place to look to see what Glasgow's women are up to would be the Glasgow Women's Library.  

Visit ann arky at home https://radicalglasgow.me.uk

Glasgow's Bloody Friday.

     Glasgow, January, 31st. 1919, "Bloody Friday", remember it, celebrate it, be proud of it, and all those ordinary people who took part in it.

    From my post last January 31st. I'll probably repeat it next year, and why not.

      A date that should be etched in the psyche of Glasgow's working class and its struggles for that better life, January 31st. 1919.
(http://www.hiddenglasgow.com/forums/viewtopic.php?t=7510) That was one of the many times the British state has shown its readiness to turn the military on its own citizens.
After WW1 there had been a struggle for a 40 hour week, in support of this a large demonstration was held on George Square, for some unknown reason the police started a vicious attack on the crowd, this in turn created outbreaks of violence across the city, at that point the state put troops on the streets of Glasgow.
However, these events never happen in isolation, they do not pop up from a tranquil environment, they are part of an ongoing connected struggle, a struggle that still continues to this day. Bloody Friday was not "an event" it was part of that chain of struggle between the desires of the ordinary people and the unyielding demands of the wealthy and powerful. It has not been finalised yet, there are more "events" going to happen along the way in this process. We should learn from our history that the powerful and wealthy elite will do what is necessary to defend their privileged position. Troops on the streets is not a symbolic display, it is a very real statement of intent. The Liverpool strikers during the Transport Strike of 1911 (https://libcom.org/…/1911-liverpool-general-transport-strike) found this out brutally, as two of the strikers were shot dead on the street by the military.

  Extract from The Rent Strike To Bloody Friday: Strugglepedia:

Glasgow's Bloody Friday 1919
Like all the events in political struggle it is difficult to trace the thread back to what brought it to this stage, Bloody Friday 1919 is no different. This was not just an attack on a large demonstration in Glasgow, it was the culmination of a series of radical events in Glasgow and the Clydeside area where the state showed its brutality. Perhaps we could even take it back to the 18th century and the radicals like Thomas Muir and others. However we can certainly take it back to the rent strikes of the first world war, the forming of the Labour Withholding Committee, (LWC) The Clyde Workers Committee (CWC) and the political climate of that period.
The Rent Strike
In pre First World War Glasgow there were a large number of empty houses, by the year 1915 all were occupied by incoming workers to the munitions and allied war industry trades. A shortage of workers and materials saw a lack of maintenance and the housing stock deteriorate rapidly. At the beginning of the war the landlords tried to implement large rent increases, at the receiving end of this were 7,000 pensioners and families whose men were fighting in France. This brought about the formation of the "Glasgow Women's Housing Association" and many other local "Women's Housing Associations" to resist the increases. A variety of peaceful activities were used to prevent evictions and drive out the Sheriff's officers. There were constant meetings in an attempt to be one step ahead of the Sheriff's officers. All manner of communication was used to summon help, everything from drums, bells, trumpets and anything that could be used to create a warning sound to rally supporters, who were mainly women as the men were at work in the yards and factories at these times. They would then indulge in cramming into closes and stairs to prevent the entry of the Sheriff's officers and so prevent them from carrying out their evictions. They also used little paper bags of flour, peasmeal and whiting as missiles directed at the bowler hatted officers. These activities culminated on the 17th of November 1915 with the massive demonstration and march of thousands through the city streets and on to the Glasgow Sheriff's Court. The size of the demonstration caused the Sheriff at the court to phone the Prime Minister of the day, this resulted in the immediate implementation of the "1915 Rent Restriction Act" which benefited tenants across the country.
The Labour Withholding Committee
This happened in a time of war, so it was obvious that by 1915 Glasgow and Clydeside had a very large class oriented militant grassroots movement and had forced the Government on this occasion to act in their favour. The rent strike was mainly a women’s organisation but the men were proving to be just as militant in the workplaces. Around the same time in 1915 during a prolonged period of considerable economic hardship for most industrial workers, Clydeside engineering employers refused workers demands for a wage increase. The insatiable demand for war munitions had lead to a rapid rise in inflation and a savage attack on the living standards of the working class. Workers were demanding wage increases to offset these repressive conditions. At this time Weir’s of Cathcart was paying workers brought over from their American plant, 6/- shillings a week more than workers in their Glasgow plant.
The dispute between workers and management at Weir’s rapidly escalated into strike action. The strike was organised by a strike committee named the Labour Withholding Committee (LWC). This committee comprised of rank and file trade union members and shop stewards. It was they who remained in control of the strike rather than the officials from the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE).
The strike started in February 1915 and lasted almost 3 weeks. At its peak 10,000 members of the ASE from 8 separate engineering works were on strike throughout Clydeside. The officials from the ASE denounced the strike and backed the government’s demands to resume work. It was this double pressure from the government and their own trade union that drove the workers from the various engineering works in Glasgow to form the LWC to give the workers a voice and to organise the strike to their wishes.
Although the strikers demands were not met, its importance is in the fact of it forming the LWC. A committee formed from rank and file union members that determined policy in the work place and refused to follow the directives from union officials when those directives conflicted with the demands of that rank and file.

Continue reading HERE:

http://strugglepedia.co.uk/index.php…

       https://radicalglasgowblog.blogspot.com/…/the-rent-strike-t…

Visit ann arky's home at https://radicalglasgow.me.uk 

Thomas Muir Festival 2019.

         Thomas Muir, one of Scotland's many principled radicals, one of those severally dealt with by the authorities he challenged, is being celebrated in a festival at the end of October until the end of November. Well worth marking your diary.

Thomas Muir Festival 2019.

Whats on / All Events

         Events and times may change, please check website and/or our facebook prior to attending an event, to make sure times & details are up to date

Thomas Muir Symposium:  Tuesday 22nd. October.

‘Commemorating Thomas Muir:

Past, Present and Future’

Drawing on speakers from Scotlands’ academic community, secondary school pupils and members of local history societies. Afternoon includes talks and music

Where: St Ninians High, Kirkintilloch

Time: 12.45pm to 4.30pm

Free: Booking required -

email address: dwmmartindon@live.co.uk

University of Glasgow Thomas Muir Lecture. Thursday 31st. October

on Democracy and Civil Society

Inaugural Lecture: Professor Sir T.M. Devine, 'Unyielding Power: Foundations of Elite Supremacy in Eighteenth Century Scotland'

Where: Kelvin Hall, Glasgow

Time: 6pm Free (Booking essential)

2019 East Dunbartonshire Schools

Art Competition & Exhibition, 16th.-24th. November.

Finalist Exhibition: Art work short listed and selected by a panel of judges. Over all winning pupil and school will be announced.

Ages: P1 to S6

Where: Thomas Muir Coffee Shop, Bishopbriggs, G64 1RP

Time: 9.30am to 4pm (Mon - Sat) Free (Drop in)

Michelle McManus

& The Flaming Blackhearts in Concert. Friday 29th. November.

Unique, intimate venue with superb acoustics

Support: Jo Mango

Where: Cadder Church, Bishopbriggs G64 3JJ

Time: 7:00pm for 7.30pm to 10.15pm

Price: £14 + booking fee

Booking info...

 Visit ann arky's home at https://radicalglasgow.me.uk 

Who Was Peter McKellar?

 

       The history of the struggles of the ordinary people has an endless list of unknown heroes, people who stood against the power of the state and struggled for justice and peace. No matter what the state threw at them they remained true to their principles. They are part and parcel of our working class heritage yet remain unknown. Where possible we should try to find out who they were, and record their principled stand against the relentless authority of the state. 

      I have tried to remember and record some of those working class heroes and events in Strugglepedia, but there are still so many that remain unrecorded, hidden somewhere in some dark corner of history. If we can, we should bring them into the light of the known  mosaic of our proud and colourful history.

     To that end I wrote this piece some time ago, but sadly got no response, so this is another wee try to find out , "Who was Peter McKellar"

     I believe that we should never forget those comrades who stood against authority when it was at its harshest and most repressive. Reading through an old copy of The Word, on the Sparrow's Nest site, I came upon the case of Peter McKellar. The article starts with:-- 

     Our comrade Peter McKellar of 38 South Annadale Street, Glasgow, will have been court-martialled for the second time before these lines are printed.
     Then aged 22, a glazier by trade, he registered as a conscientious objector on December, 26, 1939. His case was heard on April 23, 1940, by the Glasgow Tribunal, consisting of Sir A. C. Black, K.C., Sir Robert Bruce, J.P.. L.L.D., and Mr. (now Sir) R. Bryce Walker, C.B.E., etc.
    McKellar told the Tribunal that his father was killed in the great war. He would not butcher nor yet be butchered. It was enough that this had happened to his father. The Tribunal sympathised with him. He replied that he wanted justice as an anti-militarist, not sympathy. --------

      Who was Peter McKellar, is there anybody out there who can throw some light on this comrade and man of principle. We should remember our own, record their life, they are part of our history, the history of the ordinary man and woman of our communities.  So if you have any wee bit of info, no matter how little a detail, please share it with ann arky, so that we can try to put his page in its rightful place in our history.

 Visit ann arky's home at https://radicalglasgow.me.uk

The Rent Strike To Bloody Friday.

       A date that should be etched in the psyche of Glasgow's working class and its struggles for that better life, January 31st. 1919. 

(http://www.hiddenglasgow.com/forums/viewtopic.php?t=7510) That was one of the many times the British state has shown its readiness to turn the military on its own citizens.

     After WW1 there had been a struggle for a 40 hour week, in support of this a large demonstration was held on George Square, for some unknown reason the police started a vicious attack on the crowd, this in turn created outbreaks of violence across the city, at that point the state put troops on the streets of Glasgow.

     However, these events never happen in isolation, they do not pop up from a tranquil environment, they are part of an ongoing connected struggle, a struggle that still continues to this day. Bloody Friday was not "an event" it was part of that chain of struggle between the desires of the ordinary people and the unyielding demands of the wealthy and powerful. It has not been finalised yet, there are more "events" going to happen along the way in this process.  We should learn from our history that the powerful and wealthy elite will do what is necessary to defend their privileged position. Troops on the streets is not a symbolic display, it is a very real statement of intent. The Liverpool strikers during the Transport Strike of 1911 (https://libcom.org/history/1911-liverpool-general-transport-strike ) found this out brutally, as two of the strikers were shot dead on the street by the military.

Extract from The Rent Strike To Bloody Friday: Strugglepedia:

Glasgow's Bloody Friday 1919

       Like all the events in political struggle it is difficult to trace the thread back to what brought it to this stage, Bloody Friday 1919 is no different. This was not just an attack on a large demonstration in Glasgow, it was the culmination of a series of radical events in Glasgow and the Clydeside area where the state showed its brutality. Perhaps we could even take it back to the 18th century and the radicals like Thomas Muir and others. However we can certainly take it back to the rent strikes of the first world war, the forming of the Labour Withholding Committee, (LWC) The Clyde Workers Committee (CWC) and the political climate of that period.

The Rent Strike

       In pre First World War Glasgow there were a large number of empty houses, by the year 1915 all were occupied by incoming workers to the munitions and allied war industry trades. A shortage of workers and materials saw a lack of maintenance and the housing stock deteriorate rapidly. At the beginning of the war the landlords tried to implement large rent increases, at the receiving end of this were 7,000 pensioners and families whose men were fighting in France. This brought about the formation of the "Glasgow Women's Housing Association" and many other local "Women's Housing Associations" to resist the increases. A variety of peaceful activities were used to prevent evictions and drive out the Sheriff's officers. There were constant meetings in an attempt to be one step ahead of the Sheriff's officers. All manner of communication was used to summon help, everything from drums, bells, trumpets and anything that could be used to create a warning sound to rally supporters, who were mainly women as the men were at work in the yards and factories at these times. They would then indulge in cramming into closes and stairs to prevent the entry of the Sheriff's officers and so prevent them from carrying out their evictions. They also used little paper bags of flour, peasmeal and whiting as missiles directed at the bowler hatted officers. These activities culminated on the 17th of November 1915 with the massive demonstration and march of thousands through the city streets and on to the Glasgow Sheriff's Court. The size of the demonstration caused the Sheriff at the court to phone the Prime Minister of the day, this resulted in the immediate implementation of the "1915 Rent Restriction Act" which benefited tenants across the country.

The Labour Withholding Committee

       This happened in a time of war, so it was obvious that by 1915 Glasgow and Clydeside had a very large class oriented militant grassroots movement and had forced the Government on this occasion to act in their favour. The rent strike was mainly a women’s organisation but the men were proving to be just as militant in the workplaces. Around the same time in 1915 during a prolonged period of considerable economic hardship for most industrial workers, Clydeside engineering employers refused workers demands for a wage increase. The insatiable demand for war munitions had lead to a rapid rise in inflation and a savage attack on the living standards of the working class. Workers were demanding wage increases to offset these repressive conditions. At this time Weir’s of Cathcart was paying workers brought over from their American plant, 6/- shillings a week more than workers in their Glasgow plant.

      The dispute between workers and management at Weir’s rapidly escalated into strike action. The strike was organised by a strike committee named the Labour Withholding Committee (LWC). This committee comprised of rank and file trade union members and shop stewards. It was they who remained in control of the strike rather than the officials from the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE).

The strike started in February 1915 and lasted almost 3 weeks. At its peak 10,000 members of the ASE from 8 separate engineering works were on strike throughout Clydeside. The officials from the ASE denounced the strike and backed the government’s demands to resume work. It was this double pressure from the government and their own trade union that drove the workers from the various engineering works in Glasgow to form the LWC to give the workers a voice and to organise the strike to their wishes.

      Although the strikers demands were not met, its importance is in the fact of it forming the LWC. A committee formed from rank and file union members that determined policy in the work place and refused to follow the directives from union officials when those directives conflicted with the demands of that rank and file.

Continue reading HERE:
  http://strugglepedia.co.uk/index.php?title=The_Rent_Strike_to_Bloody_Friday

Visit ann arky's home at radicalglasgow.me.uk    

Two Bells With A Different Ring.

        Working class history is all too often lost, forgotten or deliberately hidden, but it is there, a rich history of struggle, a culture of community that stretches back as far as we wish to look. However the establishment has no desire to allow that history to take its rightful place, as the true history of the people. Much better for them, that we admire barons of industry, kings, queens and other forms of parasitical power. Our cities are festooned with statues of exploiting millionaires, military figures with the blood of ordinary people on their hands, and at the top of the tree of parasites, royals. I believe it was George Orwell that said, "The surest way to destroy a people, is to destroy their history", I paraphrase. In Glasgow we have Spirit of Revolt and Strugglepedia, two sites where we do our best to record, preserve and publicise that history, making it easily accessible to the general public, Have a wee look, perhaps you can get involved and add to that true picture of our history.

        Scotland has been fortunate in the fact it has had a long line of working class radical activists, stretching back as far as exploitation has used its venomous tentacles. Some have carried on their fight against the system in the full glare of publicity, others have battled away in seclusion and in the background, but never the less determined to change this world for the better for all. All must be remembered

      We have had, just to mention a few, Thomas Muir, Ethel MacDonald, Willie McDougal, Guy Aldred, John MacLean, Rita Milton, George (Ballard) Barrett, Tom Anderson, and in more recent times, Les Foster, Charlie and Molly Baird,  Bobby Lynn, I could go on. We have also had the strange occurrence of two Tom Bells. One, Tom Bell, red Clydesider, who mixed with the anti-parliamentarians, until a visit to Moscow seen him come back with the strange idea that the only way to get emancipation for the people was through the ballot box, and with some others formed the British Communist Party. 

       The other Tom Bell, Thomas Hastie Bell, was a different kettle of fish. A life long vociferous anarchist, always eager to get people involved, always busy with propaganda and action. He travelled the world, learnt to speak several languages, and eventually settled in America, still pushing his ideas and anarchist philosophy, he died in America in 1942.

        Here is a short biography of that Thomas Hastie Bell, this article first appeared in Organise! magazine #66. Also published by Libcom.

        A short biography of leading Scottish anarchist Tom Bell, a marine engineer and propagandist who travelled the world, finally settling in the US.
        Thomas Hastie Bell was born in Edinburgh in 1867. He should not be confused with another Tom Bell, fellow Scot , Red Clydesider and one of the founders of the Communist Party. He acquired fluency in French, Italian, Spanish and German thanks to his job as a ship’s engineer, visiting all the Mediterranean countries, South Africa, the United States and South America.
        As a young man he joined the Scottish Land and Labour League and in the 1880s became an anarchist through his association with the Socialist League. He was active in the Freedom group in London. In 1892 he returned to Edinburgh and carried on intense anarchist propaganda with J. Blair Smith and McCabe. He established a friendship there with Patrick Geddes, the biologist and town planner and persuaded him to bring over Elisée Reclus, the anarchist and geographer, to lecture at Edinburgh University. Emma Goldman mentions Bell “of whose propagandistic zeal and daring we had heard much in America”.
        Staying in Paris he had urged French anarchists to have open-air meetings, but they were reluctant. He went to the Place de la Republique, one of the most central and busiest squares, after having distributed handbills about meeting there the following Sunday afternoon. There was a big crowd there, also plenty of policemen. He climbed up a lamp-post padlocked to a crosspiece and started speaking. The police called for a file, but he continued speaking till his voice gave out and then nonchalantly produced the key. Police then threatened him with prosecution for “insults to the Army and the law” but all Paris laughed and the authorities decided not to prosecute. After 2 weeks in jail he was expelled as “too dangerous a man to be allowed loose in France”. He married the anarchist John Turner’s sister Lizzie.
         On the visit of Tsar Nicholas II to Britain, Bell went with McCabe to Leith where he was landing. Separated and although surrounded by Highlanders, territorials and infantry, Bell and McCabe got through to the Tsar’s carriage and shouted in his face “Down with the Russian tyrant! To hell with all the empires!”. Again the authorities were not inclined to prosecute, because a Scottish jury would probably throw out any charges.
        In 1898, Bell, who suffered from asthma all his life, went back to London and got a job as the (long-suffering) secretary to the man of letters Frank Harris, famous for his friendship with Oscar Wilde and his womanising, as revealed in his Life and Loves. Harris is suspected of stealing Bell’s experiences as a cowboy near the Mexican border for his own fake cowboy memories.
         Through Harris, Bell got to know Edward Carpenter, Havelock Ellis, George Bernard Shaw and others. Bell wrote a book about Wilde in his Oscar Wilde Without Whitewash in memory of those times, unfortunately never published. After 7 years in that position, he had a disagreement with Harris over the latter’s biography, which he thought was unjust to Wilde.
         He went to New York in 1905, and in 1911 finally settled in the United States for good, becoming a farmer in Phoenix, Arizona. He spent the last 20 years of his life in Los Angeles. Both Bell’s wife Lizzie Turner and his sister Jessie Bell Westwater emigrated with him to the USA and were involved in the movement. Throughout his life he remained active in the movement, maintaining lifelong friendships with Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman and Rudolf Rocker.
        Rocker said, “I saw him again in Los Angeles, when he was an old man. He was ill. His mop of red hair and his bushy beard were now white. His giant frame (he was well over six foot) was bent. But his mind was active; he was still working and speaking for the movement”.
        In a letter to the Yiddish anarchist paper Die Fraye Arbeter Shtime in 1940, Bell declared, “We become in our old age crabby, blind, deaf, lame or asthmatic. And our movement is now completely overwhelmed in a gigantic world-wide wave of reaction. But, ah, when I look back to the glorious days and the glorious comrades of our young movement, I am stirred to the depths by affection and pride”.
Tom Bell died in 1942 at the age of 75.

Visit ann arky's home at www.radicalglasgow.me.uk

Old Age Never Comes Alone.

 

       At the age of 83, I have to admit that it is a true saying, old age never comes alone, one thing it does come with is a set of automatic brakes. It slows you down, it stops you from time to time, and it sets the pace. Over the years I have always been a very active person, never seeming to tire, always juggling several things at the one time. Now it is very difficult to keep doing the things I want to do. In recent years I have researched and compiled a list of working class people and events that have helped to shape the conditions in our city and further afield, strugglepedia, from that was born  the book Radical Glasgow, now in its third edition. For a number of years I produced and distributed on the streets of Glasgow, a small free paper, The Anarchists Critic, which was monthly, then bi-monthly and latterly quarterly, the last issue, No.113  was a special 2017 General Election/May Day issue. Some are listed HERE, though no longer up to date. However one of the things that I am exceedingly proud, is the fact that I was one of the founder members of Spirit of Revolt, an archive of the struggles of the ordinary people of Clydeside and Glasgow. I consider it a extremely valuable resource for younger people, and others not so young, to learn of, and from, the on-going struggles of others. It also records a history that would otherwise be lost, helping to complete a more accurate picture of the mosaic of OUR history. The history of those grass-roots movements and individuals, non-aligned with the party political machines and unions, people struggling for that better world for all. 

      Then there is this blog, in which, over the years, I have spouted my mouth off on matters that hit my passion spot. However, because I can no longer get out and about, no demos, protests, marches, meetings, talks, discussions, pickets, etc. I am starting to feel out of touch. Therefore feel less able to speak as someone involved, and have no desire to become "an armchair anarchist". So the blog will fall silent, there might be the odd sporadic outburst when something slams into my passion spot, and that passion prevents me from keeping my mouth shut. Other than that, I will concentrate my time to Spirit of Revolt, attempting to get out on the bike, playing chess against the computer, and read more poetry, and perhaps, attempt to add to those I have already written.

      So I would like to say a big thank you to all those who took the trouble to read my outpourings, made a comment, or followed the blog. I have enjoyed doing it, and I hope it added something positive to your thinking. 

Visit ann arky's home at www.radicalglasgow.me.uk

Lest We Forget.

             Here in the UK the British state’s level of brutality is relatively low at the moment, however, this is is not a sign of a mellowing, or that of a benign beast. The level of state violence rises and falls in line with the amount of protests against, and resistance to, its control over our lives. This slight trough in UK state violence is in part a sign of our compliance to its power, they see no threat. This can, and has changed dramatically, as soon as the establishment senses a rise in resistance to its power. For those lulled into a false sense that the state is a talking shop for the expression of “democracy” would do well to look back at our history.

1911 Liverpool General Transport Strike: 

          As the rail strike began to spread across the country, a mass demonstration in Liverpool was declared as a show of support. Taking place on August 13 at St Georges Plateau, 100,000 workers came to hear speeches by workers and leaders of the unions, including Tom Mann. The demonstration went without incident until about 4 o'clock, when, completely unprovoked, the crowds of workers suddenly came under attack from the police. Indiscriminantly attacking bystanders, the police succeeded in clearing the steps of St George's Hall in half an hour, despite resistance from strikers who used whatever they could find as weapons. Fighting soon spilled out into nearby streets, causing the police and troops to come under attack as workers pelted them with missiles from rooftops. Becoming known as Bloody Sunday, the fighting resulted in scores of injuries on both sides.
          Fighting across the city continued for several days, coming to a head when a group of workers attacked a prison van carrying some arrested strikers. Two workers were shot dead by troops during the ensuing struggle, one a docker and the other a carter.

Then Glasgow’s own Bloody Friday: 

             On Friday 31 January 1919 upwards of 60,000 demonstrators gathered in George Square Glasgow in support of the 40-hours strike and to hear the Lord Provost's reply to the workers' request for a 40-hour week. Whilst the deputation was in the building the police mounted a vicious and unprovoked attack on the demonstrators, felling unarmed men and women with their batons. The demonstrators, including large numbers of ex-servicemen, retaliated with whatever was available, fists, iron railings and broken bottles, and forced the police to retreat. On hearing the noise from the square the strike leaders, who were meeting with the Lord Provost, rushed outside in an attempt to restore order. One of the leaders, David Kirkwood, was felled to the ground by a police baton, and along with William Gallacher was arrested.
RIOTS AND ARRESTS.            After the initial confrontation between the demonstrators and the police in George Square, further fighting continued in and around the city centre streets for many hours afterwards. The Townhead area of the city and Glasgow Green, where many of the demonstrators had regrouped after the initial police charge, were the scenes of running battles between police and demonstrators. In the immediate aftermath of 'Bloody Friday', as it became known, other leaders of the Clyde Workers' Committee were arrested, including Emanuel Shinwell, Harry Hopkins and George Edbury.
TROOPS.
       The strike and the events of January, 31, 1919, “Bloody Friday” raised the Government’s concerns about industrial militancy and revolutionary political activity in Glasgow. Considerable fears within government of a workers' revolution in Glasgow led to the deployment of troops and tanks in the city. A full battalion of Scottish soldiers stationed at Maryhill barracks in Glasgow at the time were locked down and confined to barracks, for fear they would side with the rioters, an estimated 10,000 English troops, along with Seaforth Highlanders from Aberdeen, who were first vetted to remove those with a Glasgow connection, and tanks were sent to Glasgow in the immediate aftermath of Bloody Friday. Soldiers with fixed bayonets marched with tanks through the streets of the City. There were soldiers patrolling the streets and machine guns on the roofs in George Square. No other Scottish troops were deployed, with the government fearing fellow Scots, soldiers or otherwise, would go over to the workers if a revolutionary situation developed in the area. It was the British state’s largest military mobilisation against its own people and showed they were quite prepared to shed workers’ blood in protecting the establishment.

Then much more recently, the 1984/85 Miners Strike:

     Black and white photographs taken by friends, family and supporters at the 1984 Battle of Orgreave helped subsequently to demolish Police prosecutions for rioting that were levelled against 95 striking mineworkers. But at the time, very few close-up – and potentially incriminating – pictures made it into the news coverage of the mainstream media.
       Most press photographers and television camera crews were penned in behind police lines, and therefore kept largely to the perimeter of the eight-hour confrontation between pickets and mounted police.
       While newspapers and television news bulletins captured the scale of the conflict – and especially the graphic images of police on horseback charging through the pickets – there was nothing like the visual record of hand-to-hand combat that would be available today as a result of the abundance of camera phone pictures and videos that invariably emerges from demonstrations and protests.
        No wonder the iconic photograph taken by John Harris of Lesley Boulton, cowering as a mounted police officer approached her with a raised baton, has become an enduring image of the strike, reproduced repeatedly to illustrate the violent response of the police as the pickets assembled outside the Orgreave coke works on June 18, 1984.

Visit ann arky's home at www.radicalglasgow.me.uk

The Rent Strike To Bloody Friday, Part Of The Same Struggle.

 

     Friday, January, 1919, a date that we should never forget, that was the day that brought about the stationing of armed troops on Glasgow's streets, they were also stationed at entrances to the docks around the city. As is usual in these situations, it was the workers that had come up with the rational decision, To help alleviate the unemployment situation after WWI, the idea was to cut the working hours and try to soak up the unemployed. A 40 hour week was the suggestion, but the state and the employers would have none of that. By 30, January, 1919, 40,000 workers in the engineering and shipbuilding industries in Clydeside were out on strike, plus approximately 36,000 miners from the coalfields in Stirlingshire and Lanarkshire, who were also on strike. 

        On the Friday, January, 31, a demonstration, of an estimated 60,000 citizens, in support of the shorter working week took place on George Square. Unexpectedly and unannounced, the police attacked the demonstrators, an action that lead to all hell breaking out.

THE DEMONSTRATION, BLOODY FRIDAY.
On Friday 31 January 1919 upwards of 60,000 demonstrators gathered in George Square Glasgow in support of the 40-hours strike and to hear the Lord Provost's reply to the workers' request for a 40-hour week. Whilst the deputation was in the building the police mounted a vicious and unprovoked attack on the demonstrators, felling unarmed men and women with their batons. The demonstrators, including large numbers of ex-servicemen, retaliated with whatever was available, fists, iron railings and broken bottles, and forced the police to retreat. On hearing the noise from the square the strike leaders, who were meeting with the Lord Provost, rushed outside in an attempt to restore order. One of the leaders, David Kirkwood, was felled to the ground by a police baton, and along with William Gallacher was arrested.

       The situation was volatile, and the authorities were getting very nervous indeed. Our lorda and masters in the Westminster Houses of Hypocrisy and Corruption, feared what the state always fears, that the people were taking control of their own lives. Something had to be done, and the only answer the state ever has, is violent repression, and has no qualms about turning the military on its own people.

RIOTS AND ARRESTS.

After the initial confrontation between the demonstrators and the police in George Square, further fighting continued in and around the city centre streets for many hours afterwards. The Townhead area of the city and Glasgow Green, where many of the demonstrators had regrouped after the initial police charge, were the scenes of running battles between police and demonstrators. In the immediate aftermath of 'Bloody Friday', as it became known, other leaders of the Clyde Workers' Committee were arrested, including Emanuel Shinwell, Harry Hopkins and George Edbury.

TROOPS.

The strike and the events of January 31 1919 “Bloody Friday” raised the Government’s concerns about industrial militancy and revolutionary political activity in Glasgow. Considerable fears within government of a workers' revolution in Glasgow led to the deployment of troops and tanks in the city. A full battalion of Scottish soldiers stationed at Maryhill barracks in Glasgow at the time were locked down and confined to barracks, for fear they would side with the rioters, an estimated 10,000 English troops, along with Seaforth Highlanders from Aberdeen, who were first vetted to remove those with a Glasgow connection, and tanks were sent to Glasgow in the immediate aftermath of Bloody Friday. Soldiers with fixed bayonets marched with tanks through the streets of the City. There were soldiers patrolling the streets and machine guns on the roofs in George Square. No other Scottish troops were deployed, with the government fearing fellow Scots, soldiers or otherwise, would go over to the workers if a revolutionary situation developed in the area. It was the British state’s largest military mobilisation against its own people and showed they were quite prepared to shed workers’ blood in protecting the establishment.

        Of course "Bloody Friday" should not be seen in isolation, it didn't just spring up from nowhere, it was just one flashpoint along a long road of struggle by the ordinary people for a better life.

        Like all the events in political struggle it is difficult to trace the thread back to what brought it to this stage, Bloody Friday 1919 is no different. This was not just an attack on a large demonstration in Glasgow, it was the culmination of a series of radical events in Glasgow and the Clydeside area where the state showed its brutality. Perhaps we could even take it back to the 18th century and the radicals like Thomas Muir and others. However we can certainly take it back to the rent strikes of the first world war, the forming of the Labour Withholding Committee, (LWC) The Clyde Workers Committee (CWC) and the political climate of that period. 

A warehouse in the east end of Glasgow 1919.

    All of these events are lesson for us to learn from, solidarity, organisation, co-operation across our communities and our workplaces. Something we have to get to grips with in this more fragment type of society that we find ourselves living under. 

      Something else we should never forget, this wasn't the first time that the British establishment had brought out the military to break a strike. During the 1911 dockers strike, the military shot dead two strikers on the streets on the street in Liverpool.

Liverpool during the 1911 strike.

Visit ann arky's home at www.radicalglasgow.me.uk